Research Brief
Inside the New York State Budget Process
How New York State’s Budget is Developed, Negotiated, and Adopted
Listed in alphabetical order

This guide, created for policymakers, legislative staff, researchers, advocates, and the public, helps to clarify the New York State budget process and to shed light on who makes key decisions, how and when decisions take shape, and where there are opportunities to provide input.

This work complements New York State's official Citizen's Guide to the budget by focusing on how the budget process operates in practice. Together, the two publications provide both the formal framework and the practical context needed to understand New York State's budget process.

For details on the New York City budget process, see our City-specific report. The final report in our three-part series will cover how City and State processes work in tandem.

The Timeline, Actors, and Access Points of the New York State Budget Process

The New York State budget is the product of a year-round process involving the governor, legislature, Division of the Budget (DOB), state agencies, local governments, public authorities, advocacy organizations, and the public. Each contributes at different stages and in different capacities to the development, review, negotiation, adoption, implementation, and oversight of the State budget.

Inside the Budget Process

The formal timeline tells only part of the story. Shaping the budget involves extensive internal processes that are less visible from the outside, with decisions developing at multiple levels and involving a wide range of participants. The work extends from the governor and legislative leaders to agency and legislative fiscal staff, and across the governor's office, the Division of the Budget, state agencies, and the legislature and its fiscal committees.

The process is guided by Article VII of the state constitution, state statute, and the rules of each house of the legislature.1 Article VII gives the governor a dominant role in the budget process. It establishes that the governor creates the first iteration of the budget and limits the legislature’s ability to amend the governor’s proposal. Budget development occurs within this framework and is formed through internal processes and practices that have developed over time. The amount of expected revenue and other resources for the upcoming fiscal year dictates the policy choices considered throughout budget development.

The timeline that follows traces the budget from the development of the executive budget through public review, negotiation, implementation, and adoption of the next. It highlights the major milestones, principal participants, and opportunities for engagement throughout the process.

The New York State Assembly and Senate function under a permanent set of Rules, 10 and 16 categorized Rules respectively, along with four Joint Rules that govern both bodies. Specific rules contain sections detailing each body's role in the budget adoption process, including the responsibilities of budget and finance related committees. Legislative House Rules can be found here: Senate rules; .fe-block-5e306f097e633655505a { --opacity: 100%; --translate-x: 0px; --translate-y: 0px; --rotation: 0deg; --scale-x: 100%; --scale-y: 100%; --skew-x: 0deg; --skew-y: 0deg; --origin-x: 50%; --origin-y: 50%; --block-transform: none; opacity: var(--opacity, 1); transform: var(--block-transform); transform-origin: var(--origin-x) var(--origin-y); }
Constructing the Executive Budget
Inside the Governor’s Office

Setting Priorities and Making Decisions

Throughout budget development, the governor works closely with the budget director and senior staff in the governor’s office, also known as the Executive Chamber, to evaluate and balance competing priorities, fiscal constraints, implementation considerations, and the administration's broader policy agenda to determine which proposals will move forward.

Advising and Coordinating

Senior staff in the Executive Chamber advise and support the governor directly, helping coordinate policy, operational, legal, and fiscal considerations across the administration. They work closely with DOB and agency leadership as major budget decisions are considered and resolved.

Bringing Different Perspectives to the Decision

The governor's senior staff bring different perspectives to these decisions. Policy staff assess how proposals advance the administration's priorities; operations staff consider implementation and agency capacity; counsel advises on legal and constitutional issues; and DOB provides fiscal analysis and recommendations. Together, these perspectives help inform decisions about which proposals move forward, at what level of funding, and with what policy or operational conditions.

The executive budget is the governor's proposal for the State's spending and revenues for the upcoming fiscal year. It is constructed primarily behind closed doors with limited participation by the legislature and no clear avenues for public review or participation.

ABOUT THE DATA

WHO: 17 Safety and Justice Challenge jurisdictions. Average Daily Population (ADP) and Incarceration Rate do not include Philadelphia County.

WHAT: Administrative case-level jail data 

WHEN: January 2018 to December 2024; Quarterly jail data available through April 2025 

HOW: Exploratory and descriptive analysis of jail metrics and trends 

KEY FINDING 1: After declining before and during the pandemic, the population of women in jail has risen since 2021. This has reversed much of the progress made in prior years, both nationally and, more substantially, in SJC sites.   

Before the pandemic, many communities had made meaningful progress in reducing not only the overall jail population but the number of women in jail. Those gains have not lasted. Since 2021, the number of women in jail has been rising again, both across the country and even more sharply in SJC sites. This means that the progress made just a few years ago has been undone, and more women are now being held in jail than expected based on earlier trends.

KEY FINDING 2: When compared to men, rates of women held in SJC site jails have fared worse post-pandemic, with larger proportional increases in incarceration rates, booking rates, and average length of stay (ALOS) at release.   

Comparing outcomes for women and men in SJC sites, women are falling further behind on several key measures. In recent years, women have seen larger increases in how often they are incarcerated and booked into jail, and how long they stay before release. This means that not only are more women coming into the system, but they are staying longer once they are there and at a faster rate of increase than men.

This pattern suggests that any existing policies and practices designed to reduce jail populations in SJC sites have not been working as well for women or even making their situations worse, particularly post-pandemic. It underscores the need to better understand what is driving these differences and to develop approaches that more effectively respond to women’s specific circumstances, so that progress in reducing jail use is seen for both men and women.

KEY FINDING 2.1: The most recent available data by quarter (February to April 2025) shows the disproportionate impact for women in jail has continued to increase, with average daily population (ADP) rising 54 percent from the February-April 2021 period compared to only 11 percent for men.   

The most recent available data shows that the gap between women and men has continued to widen, suggesting that the trends identified above are not stabilizing, but accelerating. This sharp difference highlights an urgent need to understand what is driving these trends and to respond with more targeted strategies that better support women and reduce these growing disparities.

KEY FINDING 3: Women of color continue to be disproportionately booked and incarcerated at higher rates than white women, highlighting the importance of intersectionality when studying patterns in jail trends. 

Racial and ethnic disparities compound gender-based trends, adding to understanding of how the intersectionality of race and gender shape how people experience the criminal legal system. Data show women of color continue to be booked into jail and held at higher rates than white women, showing that not all women are affected in the same way and pointing to deeper, long-standing inequities that influence who is more likely to be arrested, booked, and detained.

Understanding these patterns requires looking at the full picture—including how overlapping factors like race, gender, and access to resources interact—so that solutions can be designed to address these disparities more effectively and ensure fairer outcomes for all women.

WHY ARE MORE WOMEN IN JAILS?

To better understand the drivers behind these shifts, CUNY ISLG conducted an analysis of booking patterns and charge-level data across SJC sites. By examining 1.9 million new charge bookings from 2018 to 2024, researchers compared trends over time and between men and women. This included a focus on whether shifts in the types of charges women were being booked on were contributing to these patterns.

ABOUT THE DATA 

WHO: 16 Safety and Justice Challenge jurisdictions (excluding Philadelphia County from the first analysis)

WHAT: 1.9 million new charge bookings; 406,321 (21 percent) women  

WHEN: January 2018 to December 2024

HOW: More advanced statistical analyses (i.e., t-tests for differences) to compare groups (such as men vs. women and number women’s bookings for charge types from 2018-2019 to 2024) and determine whether the differences observed were statistically significant (actual differences and not due to chance alone at p<0.001).

KEY FINDING 4: Women are more likely to be booked on a new misdemeanor charge than men, including property and drug-related offenses.   

Even though many sites in the SJC have worked to cut down on jail bookings for low-level offenses, women are still being booked at higher rates than men for new misdemeanor charges. This includes common misdemeanor offense categories like minor property charges (e.g., shoplifting) and drug-related charges. While overall progress has been made to reduce unnecessary jail use, particularly for lower-level misdemeanor charges, that progress is not translating equally for women and men.

KEY FINDING 5: Despite a reduction in overall new charge bookings between 2018-2019 and 2024, new charge bookings for UCR-person, expanded violent, and domestic violence charges have increased for women. 

Additionally, research on jurisdictions with mandatory arrest policies (MAP) (i.e., when law enforcement respond to a call involving domestic violence, they must make an arrest) show that law enforcement in areas with MAP often arrest both people—the victim and the perpetrator—when responding to a domestic violence call for service. As a result, charges that appear in administrative data as new violent or domestic violence–related bookings may reflect a more complex set of circumstances, including retaliatory violence, resistance violence, self-defense, false accusations by abusers, or mandatory arrest policies themselves.

WHY DOES THIS MATTER?

The findings in this brief point to a more complicated picture of progress than overall jail population trends might suggest. While many jurisdictions made real gains in reducing jail use before and during the pandemic, those gains have not held equally for women; in the post-pandemic period, the gap has even widened.

The pandemic and its aftermath may have disrupted reform efforts or introduced new pressures—economic hardship, housing instability, strained social services—that are contributing to increased system involvement for women. This underscores the need to revisit and strengthen any of the approaches that were working locally in SJC sites to visibly reduce jail populations before 2020, and to ask more directly why those approaches have proven less durable for women than for men following the pandemic.

While many jurisdictions have made important strides in reducing reliance on jail, these improvements have not been experienced equally across genders. This highlights the need to look beyond overall trends and examine who is most affected by current policies and practices, as well as how system responses may differ based on gender and circumstance.

LESSON 1: Universal reforms are proving less effective for women

While many jurisdictions have made important strides in reducing reliance on jail, these improvements have not been experienced equally across genders. This highlights the need to look beyond overall trends and examine who is most affected by current policies and practices, as well as how system responses may differ based on gender and circumstance.

Women—who often face different life circumstances, such as unequal caregiving responsibilities or increased economic instability—continue to be drawn into the system at disproportionate rates for less serious misdemeanor charges. This gap suggests that implemented reforms that were successful at reducing jail populations for both men and women prior to the pandemic, including those tied to reducing jail use for lower-level misdemeanor offenses, may no longer be working due to underlying factors compounding women’s involvement in these offenses following the pandemic, and that more targeted, gender-responsive approaches may be needed to create fairer outcomes. More targeted, gender-responsive approaches may be needed to create fairer outcomes.

LESSON 2: Data gaps mask an understanding of women’s experiences

Gaps in how data are collected and categorized, especially around domestic violence-related offenses, make it harder to fully understand and respond to these patterns. Domestic violence is not uniformly defined or tracked in the same way across jurisdictions and different states may apply broader or narrower definitions depending on statute, charging practices, or local data systems. Law enforcement discretion may also shape whether an incident is coded as domestic violence or charged as a general violent offense.

This issue is especially important because CUNY ISLG did not have the ability to systematically identify domestic violence offenses unless they were tied to a violation of a protective order in four of the 16 sites. In those sites, women booked on offenses connected to domestic violence may instead appear in a broader expanded violent offense or UCR person offense categories. Therefore, observed increases in women’s bookings for violent offenses should not be interpreted as a straightforward increase in women’s violence without considering how domestic violence incidents are defined, coded, and charged across jurisdictions. When these dynamics are not clearly identified in the data, it can lead to an incomplete picture and potentially miss the need for more nuanced, survivor-informed responses for women involved in the criminal legal system.

Additionally, women’s pathways into the system often differ from men’s, shaped by compounding longstanding gender-based economic, social, and medical disparities such as economic insecurity, caregiving roles, behavioral health needs, and exposure to trauma, including domestic violence. There is currently an SJC Research Consortium project underway focused specifically on the pathways to and experiences in jail for women in multiple sites that will be released later this year. Overall, these findings suggest that, alongside broader reform efforts, there is a need for better data tracking to inform more careful, context-specific approaches to ensure that women, especially those involved in complex domestic violence situations, are treated fairly and appropriately.

Together, these findings underscore key areas where disparities persist and where more tailored, gender-responsive, survivor-informed strategies may be necessary to achieve more effective reform.

project credits

Writing: Bryn Hill, Senior Research Associate

Editing: Carla Sinclair, Communications Project Director

Advisement: Stephanie Rosoff, Deputy Research Director; Jennifer Ferone, Deputy Research Director; Benjamin Estep, Research Project Director

Data Visualization: Samantha Parker, Research Associate

Web Development and Communication Design: Carla Sinclair, Communications Project Director

External Affairs: Kevin Dugan, Senior Communications Associate

Web Design Template: Design for Progress and Thought Driven Development

Acknowledgements

We’d like to extend special thanks to CUNY ISLG colleagues Jennifer Ferone, Deputy Research Director, and Benjamin Estep, Project Director, for their guidance on the creation of this report, and Samantha Parker, Research Associate, for her assistance in creating amazing data visualizations. We’re also grateful to the team who processes SJC data: Alexis Peachey, Research Associate; Brian Holliday, Data Scientist; Brandon Martinez, Research Associate; Douglas Evans, Senior Research Associate; Otgonjargal Okhidoi, Senior Research Associate; and Samantha Parker, Research Associate. 

This work would be impossible without the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and without the partnership of staff from SJC sites across the country. We greatly appreciative of your collaboration over the past 10 years. 

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